Occupations - All
Occupations - Male
Occupations - Female
Occupations in Beeston, April 1891
|Industry Group||Occupation Group||
||Total Population|| ||Heads of Household
|Manufacture||Mfr/W-sale - Food/drink||.||43||43||0||.||36||36||0||.||0||.||Mfr/W-sale - Other||.||105||87||18||.||64||61||3||.||2
||.||Labour - General||.||86||84||2||.||56||55||1||.||1
|Trade||Retail - food/drink||.||167||130||37||.||90||77||13||.||8||.||Crafts||.||80||78||2||.||55||54||1||.||1
||.||Retail - other||.||86||52||34||.||35||30||5||.||4
The table shows the pattern of employment in Beeston in April 1891, which may be compared with similar tables for 1881, 1871, 1861 and 1851, using the side menu options.
Of particular significance was the increase in the total population since 1881 - reaching 6845, up 55.1% from the 1881 figure of 4479 - which was greater even that the notable increase in the decade up to 1881 (then up 42.9% over the decade). Over the whole 20 year period since 1871, the population had increased
by 121.5%. This period of sustained and sizable population growth was particularly remarkable, given that the 20 years up to 1871 had seen a period of stagnation with vitually no population increase. A more detailed study of the figures reveals some interesting changes and trends. It is also possible to offer some
evidence of causes and effects of the remarkable population growth.
As we have seen in previous decades, females continued to outnumber males, but now by 14.2% compared with only 8.1% in 1881, returning to the levels of imbalance seen in 1861 when females had outnumbered males by 13% and in 1871 when it reached 16% by 1871. Whilst this phenomenum is not yet fully
understood, the following factors may be part of the explanation :
Behind these overall facts - which, as always, beg many questions - we might expect to be able to discover more evidence relating to industry trends, the effect of immigration and
emigration on the workforce and of social trends - including more about the employment of women and children. Later, we would hope to study more detailed social trends, such as birth
and death rates, family size, etc.
- An apparent difference of the ratio of male to female births may be significant. Certainly there were 15.1% more girls than boys in the under 6 age group in the Beeston population in 1891. In 1881 the difference had been only 2.1%.
- The actual number of female domestic servants increased by 65 (29.8%) since 1881. As servants were often recruited from outside the community they worked in, this may be typical of gender bias in incomers generally. More work is required on this
and related factors.
As a start, we have prepared a breakdown of the population by gender and age. To view these, choose from the following options:
Click to view our analysis of the male population by Age and Occupational Groupings in 1891
(and in 1851, in 1871, in 1871 or in 1881)
Click to view our analysis of the female population by Age and Occupational Groupings in 1891
(and in 1851, in 1861, in 1871 or in 1881)
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Notes on Methods :This, and other analyses of the Beeston census, have been prepared from the author's database of Beeston database which includes transcriptions of all available
censuses. The author's own industry and occupational classifications have been used; these attempt to present an analysis based, wherever possible, entirely on
industrial groupings and without, for example, considerations of social class14; in particular, ancillary workers (such as factory engine drivers, clerks, managers, etc)
have been included in the respective industry totals as it is felt that this reflects more accurately the effect of that industry on the local economy - although the numbers involved are
relatively small. Another example of the effect of this is that station masters, railway engine drivers, railway booking clerks and station porters would all be classified in
the "Transport:Railway" as they all contribute to running the railway and are working in that role because of the existence of that railway. In particular, the analysis attempts to
avoid factors relating to social class - such as those included to some degree by Tillott15 and by Armstrong16 in studies elsewhere.
Analysis by this dimension will be attempted separately at another time.
The figures for "Wives" only include those who are recorded as living with their husbands who are recorded as Head of Household.
Notes on occupation groupings
1Includes masons, architects, bricklayers, plumbers, joiners, painters, etc and their apprentices
2Includes gamekeepers, veterinaries, land surveyors, etc
3Labourers not identifiable to a specific industry
4Included to quantify a major industry not present before about 1875
5Includes brickyard workers
6Includes clerks & bookkeepers (except those associated with specific industries), insurance workers, bankers, house agents, etc
7Includes local and state officials, military, police, firemen, tax collectors, etc
8Includes hairdressers, chimney sweeps, piano tuners and others performing services for individuals.
9Includes winders, etc who may be more specifically part of the lace industry
10Those making gloves and similar products, usually on knitting frames; an extension of the hosiery industry
11Includes blacksmiths, shoemakers, cabinet makers, saddlers, printers, tinsmiths, etc and their apprentices
12Includes tailors, dressmakers, bonnet makers, stay makers, shirt makers, etc
13Living on personal wealth, annuities, share and property income, etc
14Similar to that used by Charles Booth, in 1886 for his social survey, Life and Labour of the People of London - but with much less
detail and with an emphasis relative to local occupations.
15P. M. Tillott - who devised a classification used in census analysis by extra-mural classes in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire in the 1960s
16Alan Armstrong, Stability and Change in an English County Town - A Social Study of York 1801-51, Cambridge University Press
© David Hallam - 2014